Haiti's Political Madness and its Method

There’s a method to Haiti’s modern political madness: call it the 3-year itch. 

That phenomenon begins late in year two of any presidential term, grows shrill in year three and four, leading to the overthrow of a president or the formation of a “national unity” government, where the President shares power with parties that had lost at the ballot box.

Arguably, it first happened with President Jean-Bertrand Aristide. Returning to power in February 2001 after admittedly dubious elections, he was forced to leave in March 2004, amid the infamous “GNB” movement. The late Rene Preval came to power May 2006 after a two-year transition. In spite of the scandal that involved a UN truck carrying unopened bulletins, the consensus was that those elections were fair. Even while president, Mr. Preval enjoyed broad acceptance if not affection: folks saw him as a decent leader, reasonable and consensual. And yet, in April 2008, a series of “hunger riots” rocked the country, forcing him to create a new government. He installed Prime Minister Michele Pierre-Louis in August amid cries of unconstitutionality, after the first two choices failed to pass their Parliamentary auditions. Parliament censured her in October 2009, and replaced her one week later by Jean-Max Bellerive. Joseph Martelly came to power in May 2011, and Laurent Lamothe became his prime minister one year later. For many, this was ideal: the two men seemed to be genuine friends, with the support of the UN stabilization force and access to untold treasures from the Venezuelan PetroCaribe funds. All of that was insufficient—or perhaps too much. Under pressure, the President named a new prime minister in December 2014, to lead an “inclusive government.” He chose Evens Paul.

Haiti’s current President, Jovenel Moise, has not escaped the pattern of mid-term political revolt. He installed his first prime minister in March 2017, but was forced to accept his resignation in July 2018, after Port-au-Prince was brought to a standstill, supposedly because of the increase in the price of gasoline. He then engineered the departure of his second prime minister, whom he disliked, in March 2019, barely six months after he was sworn-in. All attempts to have a new one have failed. And now, the President faces deafening and aggressive calls for his departure.

Such a situation was predictable.

Haiti's recent presidents have had different personalities, skills, allies, priorities, morals. Yet, they have all met the same demands at the hand of a political class that insists on change.

I believe there are two explanations. The first lies in the Haitian reality of politics-as-only-livelihood model. Frederick Douglas said it with exquisite poignancy in 1893: “Too proud to work, and not disposed to go into commerce, [politicians] make politics a business . . . No president, however virtuous, wise and patriotic, ever suits them when they themselves happen to be out of power.”  

To be out of power is to be out of funds and benefits, so all current office holders are persons to be eliminated: “you’ve had your turn; now it’s mine.” Or at least that of someone close to me.

Secondly, and more venial given our history, candidates do not trust the Executive to conduct fair elections. They believe the party in power will necessarily determine the outcome, making them designated losers. A government of transition or “inclusion” blunts that reality, because the power is either less partisan or more evenly distributed.

Jovenel Moise is almost in year three of his presidency. He has fewer assets, both personal and material, than his predecessors. The calls for his departure should surprise no one, all merits or falsehoods aside.